Monday, October 22, 2012

The Germs That Make Us Us.


            There is a fascinating article by Michael Specter entitled "Germs Are Us," in the Oct 22 issue of New Yorker Magazine.  Specter says that medical thinking is beginning to change about germs, and about the relationship between microbes and the humans who carry them. In 1982, Barry Marshall and J. Robin Warren discovered that Helicobacter Pylori, and not stress, was the principle cause of peptic ulcers. For this discovery, they later shared a Nobel Prize.  By the 1990s, doctors began to seriously consider an effort to eradicate this organism, which would be quite a project.  H. Pylori has been around over 200,000 years and inhabits half the stomachs on earth.  But, they reasoned, "This microbe is clearly bad for us. Besides causing ulcers, it raises the risk of stomach cancer. So why not get rid of it totally?"  In 1997, one prominent microbiologist wrote, "The only good H. Pylori is a dead H.Pylori!"
            But by 1998,  it became clear that H. Pylori is completely harmless to most people, and may play a positive role.  In fact, of the thousands of species of bacteria which humans carry, many if not most may have some positive role,  perhaps even a role necessary to the long term survival of the human species. When a baby leaves the womb, it is free of all bacteria.  But as it passes through the birth canal, it picks up some of its mother's microbes.  When exposed to air, it picks up more. And by the time it's old enough to crawl, it is carrying a hundred trillion foreign bacteria, viruses, yeast, and fungi. An adult human may carry 10,000 different bacterial species.  These foreign cells may weigh a total of over three pounds and outnumber our own cells by ten to one.    We call this our microbiome.  We have coevolved with these organisms, and we depend on them to help digest our food, make some of our vitamins, ward off gut infections, and help develop our immune systems.
            But the typical human biome is not as diverse as it once was. Since the introduction of antibiotics, most individuals have lost cultures of gut bacteria which never returned. And this gradual loss of various kinds of gut bacteria may be contributing to the rise of many diseases, including Crohn's disease, asthma, and obesity. Unfortunately, the decline of biome diversity will be cumulative from generation to generation, since we cannot pass on to our children those bacterial cultures which we have already lost.  In 2007, after the completion of the Human Genome Project, the NIH instituted a project to map the DNA of the human microbiome. Since then, one study of only 124 people found about 1,000 species of gut bacteria. But the average for each individual was only about 160 species.  David Relman, of Stanford Medical School, says that our biome is vast, complex, and poorly understood. He says we must stop seeing medicine as a war between our bodies and invading pathogens, and start seeing an individual human body and its biome as a whole system--a system that needs to be managed.  A lab in Germany has discovered that human biomes can be placed into three categories, which are unrelated to age, race, or gender. Just as there are four blood types, there are three gut types. 
            Antibiotics have been a profound benefit to mankind. They are one of the main reasons that a child born in America today can expect to live 20 years longer than one born in 1930.  But by age 18,  an American has received 10 to 20 courses of antibiotics, and every time they are used, there is collateral damage.  A hundred years ago, nearly all humans carried H. Pylori.  Today, only 5% of American children do.  While H. Pylori can be harmful to some adults, it is rarely harmful to children and may be necessary to normal development. The article says that studies now show that children without H. Pylori are much more likely to develop asthma. And they are also more likely to become obese. Besides antibiotics, there are many other causes for the decline in biome diversity.  Improved sanitation has helped. And the rise of c-sections means that fewer babies will receive microbes from their mothers while passing through the birth canal.             While there are many ways to lose microbes, there may also be many ways to gain them.  The article tells of a man who had a chronic ear infection in one ear.  Several kinds of anti-fungal drops were tried, and several antibiotics, but nothing worked. Then, he cured himself--by transferring a bit of ear wax from his good ear to the infected one.
            About 10% of the population carries Clostridium difficile in their gut, which normally causes no trouble because it is held in check by other bacteria. But when a course of antibiotics wipes out nearly all other enteric bacteria, a nasty C. diff infection can result. For some patients, their microbiome is never successfully restored, and C. diff becomes chronic and untreatable. One of the more radical treatments now being tried is the fecal transplant. A sample of fecal material is obtained from a healthy donor, usually a close relative. Then [after being lab screened for parasites and other harmful pathogens] it is placed into the bowel of the patient, to re-establish a normal colony of beneficial bacteria. So far, the limited trials seem encouraging. In one study, all 34 patients were completely cured, and all were patients for whom all other approaches had failed. Ten years ago, this procedure would have been considered outrageous by most physicians. But the fact that this procedure is being tried in mainstream clinics indicates just how radically our ideas about germs have changed.
            We are still in our infancy in our understanding of our microbiome and the complex interactions between the thousands of species of germs with each other and with us.  But the new paradigm will not be that of an invading army needing to be slaughtered by chemical warfare, but that of a garden in need of a careful gardener.  To me, the human body is like a coral reef--a collection of cells which constitute a separate organism, yet host an entire ecosystem.  And if the ecosystem is healthy, the coral is healthy. 
Note:  If you are not a New Yorker subscriber, you may hit a pay wall.

Sunday, October 14, 2012

When Computers Were Reliable


           I have neglected this blog for a week because one of my computers died and I needed time to replace it.  I write this blog on a big Windows-based desk top.  But since this machine is not online,  I transfer the data , via thumb drive, to a Mac lap-top and squirt it out over the web on the Mac.  This may seem like a silly arrangement, but I enjoy composing with a big screen, a real mouse, and a full stroke keyboard. Yet I also need to own a portable that can be online wherever I take it.  But  to have both computers online would cost more.  At least, it would have cost more until U.S. Cellular recently  gave me a freebee Wi-Fi  hot spot unit to replace my original cell tower modem. (Cell towers are the only access to the net available in the rural area where I live.)
            This last computer  lasted only a couple years, and frequently crashed or froze up.  In fact, my last five computers were that way--short lived and unreliable.  But there was a time when computers did not crash or ever need to be replaced.    I bought my first computer in 1982, and have had at least one computer in the house ever since.   About a year ago I hauled 5 computers to the re-cycling center.  They were the first five computers I ever owned.  And all five were still in perfect working condition.  They were all replaced only because they had become obsolete, not because there was anything wrong with them.  The only reason I still had them around is that I can't bear to throw away anything that still works.   Not only did these machines still work, but in their entire life of service,  not one of them ever froze up or crashed.
            But somewhere in the late 1990s  I began to notice that reliability was becoming a problem.  I had one machine that froze up about every half hour even when it was new.  So why did we  get utterly reliable computers in the first generation of cheap, home computers, and have never gotten them since?  I think I have the answer.
            In the early 1960s, when I was in the Signal Corp, our satellite communications ground station was equipped with a computer.  It was the size of a large refrigerator laid on its side, it had 4,000 bits of ram, (ferrite rings) had a clock speed of 4 kc, and cost $40,000, which would be about $400,000 in today's dollars.  In the early 60s, there was no such thing as a "home computer."   What made the cheap personal computer possible was the development of the "chip."  Somewhere in the mid-60s, someone announced, with great fanfare,  that they had  succeeded in placing two transistor junctions on the same silicon wafer.  And within a year they had increased this number to 4, and then 8, and then 64, etc.   And they gleefully speculated that once this technology was perfected, there might be no practical limit to the number of junctions that could fit on one chip.   Well, actually there is a limit, and we'll get to that later, but it's a pretty big limit.  I just bought a thumb drive that has 8 Giga bits of memory on a single chip, and the salesman asked me if I didn't want a bigger one. 
            In 1982, when I bought my first computer, I believe it had 4 k of ram, supplied by 4 chips.  But about every 18 months, the number of junctions per chip has doubled, and the speed has also doubled, while the price, in real dollars, has continually dropped.   But there is a price to pay.  Every time you put more junctions on a chip, you reduce the surface area of each individual junction, and that of course reduces both the time required to switch that junction, the power required to do so.  So as computers became smaller and cheaper, they become faster and more energy efficient.  But eventually we will reach the point where the energy required to switch each junction is less that the spikes of energy from quantum effects within the silicon crystal itself.  At that point,  the signal to noise ratio is zero, and no operations are possible.  But even before you reach the quantum threshold, you get signal to noise ratio problems from the normal "thermal noise" of all current carrying parts.  Whenever  current flows through a resistor  (or anything that has resistance) a certain amount of radio noise is generated. I'm not sure whether this noise is actually "generated," or whether there is merely a random fluctuation of conductivity occurring at radio frequencies.  But in any case, this noise effect is proportional to the temperature of the conductor. Temperature is simply a measurement of the average kinetic energy of the moving molecules, and since this radio noise is occurs as a result of the friction of moving molecules within the material, the higher the temperature, the higher the noise.   When I worked at the satellite  ground station,  the front end of our RF receiver was a parametric amplifier that was cooled to about a hundred degrees or so above absolute zero  as a way of reducing this noise level.  But cooling our personal computers to near absolute zero will not be practical. 
            Mind you, the energies involved in this "noise temperature" are exceedingly minute.  But there are also power line spikes and stray ground currents, even if you own an elaborately filtered power supply.  And there are also minute electrical disturbances caused by cosmic radiation.  I repeat;  all of these disturbances are exceedingly minute.   But as we have made our computers circuits ridiculously  tiny, then ridiculously tiny disturbances anywhere in the circuit are all that's required  to disrupt them.   And that, my friends, is why your modern desktop will freeze up--and your old TRS-80 didn't.   

Sunday, October 7, 2012

How We Choose Our Politics


           There have been a lot of theories published in recent years which attempt to explain why people make the political choices that they make. It is pretty clear that the choice goes beyond simply choosing the party which offers the best chance of an improved personal economic outcome. Some have even suggested that innate differences in brain chemistry or wiring, differences that proceed from either different fetal environment or from actual genetic differences, may predispose our political choices from the day we are born.  Some have argued that the differences are mostly cultural, but that individuals sometimes break out of their native culture and consciously choose an opposite set of values, or at least a different set.
            Someone once said, “There are two kinds of people in this world:  those who believe that all humanity can be divided into two groups—and those who don’t.”   I am one of those who believe that we can, in fact, divide all humanity into two different groups.   While leaving aside the question of where these differences come from, I believe that there really are two basic types of political instincts, and by early adolescence, people identify pretty firmly with one or the other.  Even though people do not pay any attention to politics till they are old enough to vote, the basis on which that vote will be cast has already been decided.  And I believe also that these two different sets of political instincts neatly align with the different strategies historically employed by our two major parties.
              “Red state” politics are different from “blue state” politics because red state people are different from blue state people.  It is not that we have in our gene pool the residue from having evolved “Republican brains” or Democratic brains.”   It’s that both parties, over time, have recognized that there are two types of people, and that any populist rhetoric that would appeal to one will alienate the other.  So each party had to choose its target constituency--and they did choose.  They each asked, “What kind of people could ever be persuaded to support the kind the kind of economic choices which the party establishment believes in?  And if the party believes in economic choices that few people would ever choose if the election were held strictly on that issue, then what other issue might be offered to gain their support?  The answer is that both parties are Machiavellian enough to pretend to either espouse or denounce almost any cultural issue, if it allowed them to hold power long enough to put forward their main agenda, which is mostly economic. (I say “mostly,” because I will concede that both parties have a long commitment to freedom, although they define it very differently.)
            So what are the attitudes that are associated with these two sets of instincts?  It is a long list of attitudes, and for a few people, the menu of choices is like a Chinese restaurant menu—you can choose one from column “A” and two from column “B”.   But for most people, if they choose anything from one set of political values, all or most of their other choices will be from that same set.             I have prepared a list of what I suggest as typical totemic values.  Let’s take a look at it:



A.
                  1. “Hierarchy is the natural order of things. We should all obey our God-given superiors.” (I call this “Acceptance of the Great Chain of Being.”)
                  2. “The natural order of things is equality. All authority comes only from consent of the governed. No one has the right to order you around unless you give them that right.”

B.
                  1. “Our country needs the strength of a tough, strong willed “Father Figure.”
                  2. “We need the fairness of a wise and compassionate leader.  Whether it’s a “Father figure” or a “Mother Figure” is unimportant.”
C.
                  1. “It’s the poor who are cheating us.  They are lazy, pathetic parasites.”
                  2. “It’s the rich who are cheaters. They are cunning tricksters; that’s how they got rich.”
D.
                  1. “We should respect the traditions of our grandfathers—that’s what made us great.”
                  2. “We are free to make our own traditions—it’s our grandfathers’ culture that’s holding us back.”
E.
                  1. “The people who work hardest are those at the top. That’s how they got there.”
                  2.  “The people who work hardest are those at the very bottom—and they receive almost nothing for it, which is why they are still at the bottom.”
F.
                  1. “If we put more taxes on the rich, then when it’s my turn to get rich, I’ll have to pay.”
                  2. “If we provide nothing for the unfortunate, then I’ll starve when it’s my turn to be unlucky.”
G.
                  1. “I’m shocked by the idleness of the poor!  Some of them have not worked in three generations, yet they expect us to feed them.”
                  2.  “I’m shocked by the idleness of the very rich!  Some of them have not worked in three generation, yet they fly around in private jets and expect us to obey them.”
H.               1.  "The cause of poverty is ineffective schools.  How good a job can you expect to get if  you have no basic skills, or if you can't even read?"
                   2. "Extreme poverty is the reason for poor educational outcomes. How much can you teach a small child who hasn't eaten for two days, or who has a toothache?"
I.                 1. "Broken homes are what cause poverty.  How long can a family stay out of poverty without a breadwinner's paycheck?"
                    2.  "Poverty is what causes family break up.  How long can a family stay together if the breadwinner can't find a job?"






A
           
           
            While none of these statements is likely to be true in all cases, and they all may have some truth , at least in some cases, which do you think comes closest to the truth in most cases—the first choice or the second.  If you selected choice #1 in any set, then it’s a good bet that you chose #1 in nearly all sets.  And whatever you chose, your predisposition to make that choice was firmly set before you ever entered high school, and you couldn’t change it even if you tried.

Thursday, October 4, 2012

Why CEOs Are Bad Presidents


        Alan S. Blinder has written an insightful article, The Case Against a CEO in the Oval Office.  The most interesting part is where it was published—The Opinion Page of the Wall Street Journal.  I’m sure that the people who regularly read that page will find it a bit painful to discover why a businessman can’t run a country. Alan Blinder teaches economics and public affairs at Princeton, and is a former vice chairman of the Federal Reserve.
              Romney touts as his main qualification for the presidency the fact that he is a successful corporate CEO. But Blinder points out that the presidents which are remembered by members of their own party as effective presidents—he lists Washington, Jefferson, Lincoln, both Roosevelts, and Reagan—all had one thing in common.  They all had little or no experience in business.   And except for Washington, none had any experience whatsoever.   And he reminds us that Hoover, one of the most successful businessmen this country has ever produced, was our least successful president.  Hoover was intelligent, hard working, and honest.  But he kept trying to run the country like a business.  This didn’t work.
            Blinder says that the qualities which make a person a successful corporate CEO are not the qualities of an effective president; in fact, they are the very qualities which doom a presidency.   Corporations are run like dictatorships, because dictatorships are efficient, and a corporation has no goal except to be efficient, especially at making money.  A successful CEO is usually a hard driving egoist who develops his own plan and then bulls it through over all opposition, quickly and without compromise.    But democratic republics are not dictatorships. Our system of checks and balances was specifically designed prevent a complete takeover by any one individual.  Every president must secure the cooperation of the majority of both houses of Congress, and act only within the constitution.  Only through compromise and persuasion can any of the president’s plans become law.
            Another problem which Blinder cites is that a corporate CEO’s guiding principle is to follow whatever path works to improve the “bottom line.” For a corporation, this is sufficient, because a corporation has no real function except making money.  But in the running of a country, there is no bottom line.  Or, more accurately, there are several dozen bottom lines, each competing with and contradicting some of the others.  A democracy must simply provide a safe, free, and prosperous environment for its citizens, but there is no one number that can ever define this.   Blinder concludes: “The business of America’s government is not business.”
             

Saturday, September 29, 2012

Romney Limerick

Airliner windows don't open.
But that's not what Romney is hope'n.
"Let's open them," calmly
Suggested Mitt Romney.
With a brain like that, how is he cope'n?

Seriously;  How has it come to the point where the party of Abe Lincoln and Teddy Roosevelt offers, as its standard bearer,  a man who cannot quite grasp why the windows on a pressurized airliner are not openable?

Tuesday, September 25, 2012

Perils of Quantitative Easing


            On Sept 13, 2012, the Federal Reserve announced it would begin a third round of “quantitative easing.”   This means they intend to expand the money supply again.   The Fed intends to begin purchasing $40 billion worth of mortgage backed securities per month, and continue to do so until unemployment comes down to an acceptable level.  And at some point, they may begin buying U.S. Treasury Bills again.   In the first round of bond buying, begun in March 2009, the Fed bought 1.25 trillion dollars worth of corporate assets.   And then in November of 2010, the Fed began buying U.S. Treasury Bills, pumping an additional 600 billion dollars into the economy. Where does the Fed get the money to make these purchases?  In effect, they just print it. 
            What are they doing and why are they doing it?  The Federal Reserve, like any central bank system, is simply trying to control the money supply, keeping the availability of dollars at a level which they hope will bring unemployment down to an acceptably low level, while still keeping inflation from rising to an unacceptably high level. These two things are what central banks try to do, and in the U.S., Congress has given the Fed a specific mandate to do both.
            Do I object to this action which the Fed is undertaking?  No—the unemployment rate is way too high, and something has to be done about it.  If it could be brought down to a normal level, then the increased tax collections and reduced welfare expense would, in and of itself, nearly balance the budget.  But I’m disappointed that we are using no tools other than monetary policy to do this, when a combination of fiscal policy and monetary policy would work infinitely better.  Fiscal policy could be used with surgical precision if we had a Congress with the will to do it.  But we don’t, so the whole task of bringing down unemployment is left to poor Mr. Bernanke, who has little more in his tool box besides the “sledge hammer” of monetary easing. 
            Before I explain what my real objection is, let’s take a moment to briefly consider just what monetary policy really is.   If a central bank wishes to add cash to the economy, they simply buy up “commercial paper,” that is, the kind of IOUs that banks and large corporations give to other banks.  By buying corporate bonds for cash, they take these bonds out of circulation and put more cash into circulation. That supposedly expands the money supply.  And if they wish to shrink the money supply, they sell some of the commercial paper from the vast hoard in their portfolio at any given time, and that takes money out of circulation.
               But there is just one problem.  Switching cash for corporate bonds may not change the money supply as much as you may think, because such bonds are in themselves a form of money.   Money is anything that can be used to pay a debt.  And if a bundle of bonds are written on blue chip companies, and are offered at an appropriate discount, most investment banks, in normal times, will accept them as cash.   In fact, an interest-bearing note from a credit worthy company is better than cash, because cash does not pay interest.  And in normal times, the overwhelming majority of the money in circulation is corporate paper—not U.S. currency. 
            Whenever there is a panic—a stock market crash, a war, or whatever--the market freezes up and banks temporarily stop accepting corporate paper for debt payment. They demand cash.  So then these assets cease to be liquid—they stop being money.    Of course, some of them, such as subprime real estate, should never have been money in the first place.  But when the crash of 2008 hit, banks not only stopped accepting questionable mortgages, they didn’t want good ones either.
             So this produced a liquidity crisis, as a lot of the money in circulation just stopped being money and stopped circulating. About 3 trillion dollars worth of liquidity instantly ceased to exist.  But the instruments, the bonds, mortgages, promissory notes, etc, still exist somewhere.  And if the economy ever fully recovers, banks will start trading them.  And all 3 trillion bucks worth will become part of the money supply.  And that’s why I get a little nervous about quantitative easing.  Just about the time that unemployment gets down to normal, all of the dollars that Mr. Bernanke has added to the economy will have some unexpected company, as this slug of commercial paper suddenly becomes liquid again.
            At that point, the Fed will try to shrink the money supply by selling off commercial paper in exchange for cash.  As they trade bonds for cash, this removes cash from circulation, but it might not really remove much money, because by then the bonds put back into circulation will have become money again.  And every month, even more of this money will be created as every corporation in the country begins issuing more corporate debt.   And it isn’t just corporations that do this. You and I can expand the money supply.  Some years back, my brother took out a home improvement loan, secured by a mortgage.  Over the time he paid it back, he ended up mailing interest and principle payments to a different bank every month.  He originally borrowed it form a local bank, but that note was traded to banks all over the country.  He had, in effect, increased the money supply.  
            I would suggest that we don’t even have a general agreement as to what “money” is.  If a credit card company informs you that you have an additional $10,000 line of credit, is that money?   Well, it would spend the same as money—wouldn’t it?  So how much control does the Fed have over the money supply when every man Jack can create the stuff?
            So far, monetary policy has not produced much result.  The stimulus did produce results. It is the reason that unemployment never got much above 10% rather than ballooning to 25%, as it did in the Hoover administration.  If we had a million businesses that had no access to credit but had customers banging on the door, then monetary policy might create a few jobs.  But right now, American corporations are sitting on 3 trillion bucks and they aren’t spending any of it. They do not need cash or credit—they need customers.  Business needs a whole generation of young people to begin entering the middle class, and not a generation of middle aged consumers falling out of it. Business needs the unemployed to have jobs—jobs secure enough that the workers are not afraid to spend what they earn—but even more important, business needs the underemployed to earn more discretionary income.

             The stimulus was large enough to keep unemployment from becoming disastrously worse, but not large enough to really cure it.  And none of the quantitative easing has cured it either. I suppose that if we were to dump enough dollars on the market, we would eventually bid down the value of the Dollar to where those who hold dollars would start panic buying, hoping to unload dollars while dollars can still buy something. But this is a pretty dangerous game. The main peril of relying on monetary policy alone, aside from the fact that it doesn’t work, is that it’s a lot easier to throw those dollars out there than to ever call them back.

Tuesday, September 18, 2012

Oil, Imperialism, and the Real Causes of WWI



       
            This post is the Cat’s rather long book review of A Century of War, by Wm. Engdahl:            Engdahl, a German historian, makes a persuasive case that all wars of the Twentieth Century were about oil.   He explains that the British and Americans have never been told the truth about why WWI was fought.  We are told that it was all some kind of silly mistake.  But the real struggle was over oil, and the military and industrial dominance that flows from control of that oil.  Although the fields of France and Russia were where most of the killing took place, the real prize was the oil fields of Iraq, and whether England or Germany would control those oil fields.  Forget about the Red Baron—it was Laurence of Arabia who grabbed the real estate that mattered.
            But to explain the conflicts of the 20th century,  Engdahl needs to explain the economic order of the 19th and how that order came into being.  So he begins his narrative with The Congress of Vienna, in 1814, at the end of the Napoleonic wars. The outcome of this congress was that Britain got what she wanted—the right to dominate the seas and with it, world trade. The concessions she granted to Austria were actually self-serving, in that it divided Europe in such a way that no one power would be large enough to rival Britain in trade or war.
  FREE TRADE-- THE ULTIMATE CAUSE OF WAR.            
            In 1815, Britain began moving toward a free trade strategy, with the adoption of the gold standard.  At that time, British industry was far superior to anything in Europe.  But to maximize that advantage, Britain had to pry open foreign markets. So Britain talked Europe into free trade agreements.  The culmination of this free trade strategy was the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846.            Most people think that the repeal of the Corn Laws was a victory for workers at the expense of landowners.  Actually, workers lost.  Allowing duty-free importation of grain lowered the price of bread, but welfare payments were pegged to the price of bread, and so were most working class wages.  When the price dropped to half, so did income.  Also, farm laborers forced off the land had to compete for urban jobs, which depressed wages even further.  And that was the whole idea—to make British industry competitive by depressing wages.
            The worst victims of the Corn Law repeal were the Irish tenant farmers.  Irish farmers grew potatoes, but they mainly grew wheat. They had used half the wheat crop to pay rent, and lived off the other half, plus they had the potatoes.  But when the grain price dropped to half, they had to use the entire wheat crop to pay rent.  So when the potato crop failed, they starved to death.  During the worst year of the famine, they had a bumper crop of wheat, which could easily have fed everyone in Ireland.  But it was all confiscated by the landlords for rent, and millions were left to starve.            Free trade radically lowered the standard of living of every worker in England and Ireland.  But factory owners grew rich, and so did bankers and shippers.
  FREE TRADE’S SHORT-LIVED ADVANTAGE
            In the mid-nineteenth-century, free trade worked very well for British factory owners, bankers, and ship owners.  But it did not work well for British workers, nor did it work well for the countries Britain was trading with.  By 1850, some countries had begun to notice that.  So the German states had united into a customs union, or “Zollverein,” and had begun to follow the protectionist policies of Frederich List.            The Germans complained that the British free trade argument had always been a fraud.  In 1815, the British had said, in effect, “We have the most efficient industry in the world, and we have a free trade economy; so imitate us and you too will prosper.”    But Britain hadn’t always been a leader in industry, and they hadn’t always had free trade.  As late as 1690, they had trailed far behind Europe in every technology. Yet in the 18th century, they caught up with Europe and surpassed them. But they did so by creating the most absolutely protectionist economy in history.
            During this time, with imports severely restricted, local industries had a good potential for profit, so it became profitable to invest capital in them.  British wealth was eagerly invested and re-invested in British industry, and innovation of every kind was fully financed.  It was in this protectionist environment the British industry surpassed Europe.  Then, England did an about-face and abruptly opened her markets, as a way of inducing Europe to open its markets, so as to gain maximum leverage from the technological lead they had then gained. But by the 1850s, Europeans had decided that they would gain nothing from this arrangement. Since their own factories lagged far behind the British, they would be unable to compete and would fall even further behind and eventually cease to exist.  So the Europeans opted for the protectionist strategies of Frederich List.
   THE FREE TRADE PARADOX.
            There was, from the beginning, a paradox to the British plan. It contained the seeds of its own destruction.  Through a century of extreme protectionism, they had gained a tremendous technical lead.  But to make any use of this lead, they needed open markets, and the open markets in themselves would eventually erode that technical lead. You can’t induce other countries to open their markets to you unless you open yours.  But as soon as you do this, capital investment can flow to other countries, rather than be invested locally. If some other country, i.e. India, has wages even lower than Britain, then it will be more profitable to build new factories in India, rather than in Britain.   Even if a new British factory could manage to stay in business, the wage cost would always be higher, so profit would be lower. There would always be a strong disincentive to re-investing British profits in Britain.  And there would be little interest in trying to have a better trained workforce as a way of remaining competitive, since education would require tax expenditure, and taxes would cut into profit.  But as British industry was stagnating and British workers were reduced to serfdom, banks still made profit and no one in power saw any need to change anything.
   A BOOM IN EUROPE.
            As Britain headed downward, Germany was booming.  Under the Zollverein, imports were restricted and capital flows were tightly controlled.  Any outside investment in Germany required government permission, as did German investment abroad.  German investment was directed toward improvement of German industries, and these investments were profitable, due to a protected markets price for the products of those industries.   
            German consumers paid a high initial cost for this. They paid higher prices for everything they bought, but only for one generation.  As German industrial output doubled every decade, innovation flourished, productivity increased, and wages rose sharply. The German plan also called for heavy investment in education.  The first push was for universal literacy, quickly achieved through a nationwide system of tax-supported primary schools.  They then built technical high schools and polytechnical colleges.  By the end of the 19th century, Germany had the best trained work force in the world.  German agriculture had also improved, so that as Germany became self-sufficient in food, their workers were better fed than the English.
  And  German colleges were turning out scientists and engineers by the tens of thousands—some of them world-class.    
            In the 1870s, Britain went into a depression that lasted over 20 years.  But Germany continued to boom.  In 1850, when Germany began to shift away from free trade, they produced only insignificant amounts of iron.  By 1900 they passed Britain, and by 1910 their output was 50% higher than Britain, at 15 million tons. Between 1880 and 1900, their steel output rose over 1000%.  The situation was the same for coal, textiles, electric power, and especially for chemicals.  In fact, Germany practically invented the modern chemical industry, with the huge Bayer and BASF plants leading the way. They also took the lead in chemical research, inventing aniline dye, aspirin, and several plastics.  And the German merchant fleet went from half a million tons in 1870, to 13 million in 1909.  (And, though Engdahl doesn’t mention it, in 1903, Fritz Haber, a chemist at BASF, developed a process for extracting nitrogen from the air.   This discovery alone radically altered the balance of power.   Germany had poor soil that was never very productive without added nitrates.  Munitions also require nitrates. The only available source had been bat guano from Bolivia. This was very expensive, and Germany could never have afforded enough for high output agriculture and high munitions production at the same time.  Besides, the Bolivian shipments had to get past the British Navy.  So war between Britain and Germany would not have been a possibility.  But Haber changed all that.)
            Besides falling behind in gross output, Britain was also no longer the leader in technical innovation.  When internal combustion engines began to replace steam, it was the Germans who won the race to develop the first practical IC engine, first with the Otto engine, and then with the Diesel.  (Engdahl could also have mentioned that in 1840, Britain was producing the finest steam engines on earth. But by the 1880s, the American made Corliss Engine was so superior that British manufacturers were paying American patent royalties for the privilege of building it. )
            While all this was happening, British bankers just collected the money and re-invested it everywhere except in England, and did nothing as their country went to hell in a hand-basket.  That’s the paradox.  The only reason Britain had pressed for free trade was to take full advantage of their technical lead. But in just over half a century, free trade itself had evaporated that lead.  By the end of the century, British bankers had noticed what was happening in Germany, and it scarred them. Privately, they agreed that something would have to be done about Germany.            Using monopolistic trade practices, Britain nearly ran the whole world during the 19th century.  And they were still firmly in charge at the end of that century.  But by then the top leaders realized that British dominance would not continue much longer if Britain continued to stagnate, while other countries, particularly Germany, continued to advance.  Yet they failed to see the problem as a British failure, wrought by their own greed and short-sightedness.  They saw it as “the German problem,” and began looking for a way to “do something about Germany.” 
                                    THREE PILLORS OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE
            Engdahl says the British Empire was based on three things:  a monopoly of gold, a monopoly of shipping, and a monopoly of certain raw materials.             To have these monopolies, you need gold, shipping, and raw materials for yourself--but you also need a practical way to deny these things to all potential competitors.  And that’s what the Boer War was about.
            When gold was discovered in the Transvaal, the British seized the area, not out of greed for gold, but to keep any other country from having it. Nearly all of the gold from the California Gold Rush was bought up by British banks to keep it off the market.  For shipping, you need a large merchant marine. But to maintain a shipping monopoly, you also need the world’s largest navy, so that you can deny shipping to any competitor, should it suit your convenience to do so.  And to maintain a monopoly on raw materials----is what the empire was for.  During the Nineteenth Century, using these three monopolies, Britain was able to dominate world trade and dominate the world
INFORMAL EMPIRE
            The Boer War was very nasty and very expensive.  So in the 1890s, the ruling class in England began talking about an “informal empire”---where they would still dominate the world, but use less military leverage, and more financial leverage.  Don’t send in the Army--send in the bankers--and threaten to cut off their credit.  The informal empire relied on a partnership between the British banks, the leaders in Parliament, the leaders of key industries, the military, and the foreign intelligence service, but with the bankers clearly in charge.  These were separate entities, but in dealing with foreign countries, they worked like five fingers of the same fist. If a foreign company applied for a loan at a branch of a British bank, any information disclosed to the loan officer would be immediately forwarded to a foreign intelligence officer, unless the bank employee was a foreign intelligence officer, which he might easily have been. 
             In many countries, if a local political leader caused problems for a British bank, the British Army would be sent in. And any time the British Army had problems gaining cooperation from political leaders, the bankers would be sent in---to cut off credit and topple the regime. Engdahl points out that this tactic, which the U.S. now uses through the IMF, was learned from the British. The whole system was glued together by control of information, gathered by the foreign intelligence service.  And a pliant parliament passed whatever laws were needed to make it work. Countries that Britain dealt with never fully appreciated what they were up against. When the so-called Anglo-Persian Oil Company was formed, the government of Iran had no idea that the company they were dealing with was wholly owned by the British government. Even Royal Dutch Petroleum was a British operation, even though they maintained the fiction of a corporate hdqrs in Holland and employed mostly Dutch workers and management.
   OIL COMES ON THE SCENE
            In the 1890s, a navy captain named Fischer released a study comparing the strategic advantage of oil-powered warships to coal-powered.  The data showed that in any war fought between coal-powered and oil-powered ships, the coal-powered warships would always lose. A steamship with an oil-fired boiler would have only slightly higher speed. But it would have twice the range.  It would also produce little or no smoke, whereas a coal burner would have a plume visible for forty miles.   A coal burner took two days to re-fuel vs. two hours for an oil burner.  And when firing up a cold boiler, a coal burner took 11 hours to come up to full steam, and took four hours to get enough steam just to move the ship.  An oil burner could be at full steam in four hours, and could have enough steam to move the ship in 30 minutes. This was not good news for England--which, as Churchill said, was “an island made of coal”---but had no oil.
            In 1904 Captain Fischer had become First Admiral Lord Fischer, and he began converting England’s fleet to oil. He also convened a committee to study how England might obtain that oil.   Since that moment, oil has been a strategic material.  From that time, British policy has focused on not only obtaining oil, but denying it to any potential competitor wherever possible. As early as 1892, Lord Curzon, later viceroy of India, had written that. “The concession of a port on the Persian Gulf to Russia would be a provocation to war.”
            In 1905, acting through a covert agent, Britain obtained a franchise on the development of     Iranian oil from an engineer named D’Arcy. This franchise had been granted to D’Arcy in 1901 by the Shah.  It happened that D’Arcy was a pious Christian. So the British agent, disguised as a priest, convinced D’Arcy that the new Anglo-Persian Oil Company was a private company run by good conscientious Christians.
   IRAQI OIL, AND THE GERMANS:
            In 1889 some German businessmen formed a plan to build a railway from Berlin to Constantinople. By 1896 1,000 km had been built, and the Turkish government had agreed to allow the line to continue to Baghdad, with plans to extend it eventually to Kuwait and the Persian Gulf.  Such a line would open to Germany a vast West Asian interior market. It would also allow German goods a short cut to India, one that did not need the Suez Canal. The British bankers, who were already extremely concerned about Germany, now became nearly apoplectic. There was only room for one great trading power. If Germany was in, Britain would be out.            But the last straw was when Germany was awarded the full mineral rights to a 20 km corridor on either side of the proposed railway, right through Mosul, which is now at the heart of the Iraqi oil region. Over the next 15 years, Britain did everything possible to stall or prevent the construction of this railway.
      BALKAN WARS
             The route would have to go through Germany, Austro-Hungary, Serbia, Bulgaria, and Turkey. One obvious thing that might obstruct the project would be any kind of destabilizing little war in the Balkans. Conveniently for the British, in the decade leading up to 1914, a series of such wars just happened to occur:  first the Bulgarian war and then the Turkish war.
             Another device for delaying the project was for England to pretend to be interested in jointly financing the project, then canceling at the last minute. The Germans had continually begged Britain to join in the endeavor, as it would be extremely expensive to finance alone. Finally, in 1913, they realized that the British had no good faith intent of ever financing the project, so a bill was introduced in the Reichstag to have the German government fully fund the Berlin to Baghdad Railway. This was the bill being debated when war broke out in 1914.
   THE FINAL SOLUTION
            Obviously, the causes of the First World War are complex.  And some historians argue that the outbreak of war was simply a mistake--a series of unfortunate diplomatic blunders.  But Engdahl claims that a full decade before the war, British government leaders had already concluded that English trade dominance could not be preserved much longer unless a way could be found to wreck the German economy, and that this would probably require a war. The secret three-way alliance between Britain, Russia, and France was in no way a defensive strategy.   If you wanted a defensive pact, it would make no sense to keep it a secret. Instead, it was more like a mouse trap.  If any one ally was attacked, it would spring the trap. The idea was to trick Germany into a war that she couldn’t possibly win, and which would cripple her economy, and then impose post-war conditions that would keep it crippled forever.   Would the British really start a war that would kill 20 million people just to maintain trade supremacy?  Well, they probably didn’t know it would kill 20 million people. They probably thought it would be one of those minor European wars that no one even remembers. With a tiny country like Germany up against Russia, France, and Britain, how could the war possibly last more than a few months?  There were many factors that convinced British bankers that the German economy would have to be destroyed if Britain were to survive. The fact that German industry and shipping would soon eclipse Britain was one factor. And the fact that the Germans were building a huge navy to protect their shipping was another.  And the Berlin to Baghdad Rail route, with a German short cut to the Far East, was perhaps the main factor. According to Engdahl, even with that, the peace might have been saved. But when the rail corridor included access to Iraqi oil--that was it. The battle lines were drawn.
            Once the war started, Britain pulled most of its troops out of the front lines in France and seized the Arabian Peninsula.  They told the Arabs that they were liberating them from the Ottoman Empire. But a secret agreement, the Sykes-Picot accord, had carved up the whole Middle East between Britain, France, and Russia, with Britain getting most of the oil. After the Bolshevik revolution, the Leninist government in 1917 found a copy of this accord and made it public. The Arabs realized they’d been duped.  T.E. Lawrence was aware of the fraud, and he wasn’t happy about it.  But he felt if it was a choice between betraying the Arabs and losing the war, he’d rather win the war.  The French were outraged that the British would leave them to fight the western front mostly alone, but they could do little but accept it.  And when the war was over, Britain already had troops on the ground over the whole Middle East, so the French accepted whatever crumbs the British chose to leave them.
            After the war, The British and French insisted on imposing crushing reparations payments, which was the final blow to a German economy already weakened by war. Wilson had objected, arguing that the German economy could never be rebuilt under such a heavy burden. Most of us have been taught that it was out of French and British ignorance that these reparations were imposed--that the incompetent French and British politicians simply did not understand what they were doing. Engdahl says they knew exactly what they were doing--crushing Germany! That had been the whole purpose of the war----to destroy the German economy.           
            How did the U.S. come to intervene?  American banks, through J. P. Morgan, had loaned tens of billions of dollars to Britain to finance the war. If Britain lost, these loans would never be repaid and all large American banks would become insolvent.  And such a bank failure would have taken down the entire American economy, along with the economy of the entire world.
Engdahl goes on to explain:
  1. Why the British bankers originally backed Hitler.
  2. How Britain made “debt vassals” of third world countries, as a way of controlling them, and why Kissinger used the same strategy, though it nearly wrecked the U.S. economy.
  3. Why British banks backed the establishment of the state of Israel
  4. Why the U.S. set up conditions to start a war in Kosovo, and sent the Army in to stop it.
  5. Which former Soviet states now have U.S. air bases---and which of these states have oil.
  6. Which political and corporate leaders were probably assassinated by British MI5 units.